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KPD: Thoughts on the federal election
On February 23, 2025, the
early federal election is approaching—a vote taking place in a time
of growing social dissatisfaction and political polarization. People
are increasingly and justifiably discontent with the current
political landscape. But what are the real alternatives? How can we
use our vote meaningfully, and what can we expect from the parties on
the ballot?
The barriers for the KPD and the reality of bourgeois parliamentarism
In Germany, the barriers for smaller, non-established parties are very high. This is why the KPD is not running in the federal election. The time to collect the required 27,000 signatures nationwide was simply too short to even consider participation. Comrades of the KPD, as well as representatives of other small parties, filed a complaint with the Federal Constitutional Court as soon as this issue became known, but the appeal was rejected. As a result, we are barred from participating in this election—a reality that highlights the undemocratic structures of bourgeois parliamentarism. For the KPD, there is no real alternative to the capitalist system on this ballot.
Nevertheless, it is important to ask what the parliament can actually offer us under the current conditions. Most parties on the ballot are deeply entrenched in the system of capitalist exploitation. This is evident in the growing social inequality, the privatization of public goods, and the exploitation of workers—grievances that are repeatedly reproduced by the policies of the established parties.
I could now list the parties and candidates running for chancellor and ministerial positions, describing their ties to the financial sector to illustrate whose class interests they serve. However, I will spare myself this effort and instead refer to Lenin, who, in his analysis of bourgeois politics just weeks after the February Revolution in Russia, already stated: "The entire Provisional Government is a government of the capitalist class. It is a question of class, not of individuals. To attack individuals personally, to demand their removal, directly or indirectly, is an empty comedy, for no change of individuals can alter anything so long as the class which holds power is not changed." (adapted from W.I. Lenin, Pravda No. 37, May 4, 1917)
This insight remains valid today and aptly describes the limits of parliamentary democracy under capitalism. We are not concerned with replacing individuals but with changing the ruling class. The parliamentary system serves to stabilize and maintain the capitalist power structure, not to transform it.
Protest votes and the false hope for a return to the "social market economy"
A new phenomenon on the political stage is the alliance around Sahra Wagenknecht, which presents itself as an alternative to the established parties. Her party, the Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW), advocates a return to the "social market economy," a concept that remains within the framework of capitalism and does nothing to change the existing structures of exploitation. Despite some differing positions, particularly in peace policy, this party ultimately remains a representative of the capitalist system.
Many protest voters see this party as a solution and a way to correct the social policy course. There are indeed clear differences in peace policy compared to the established parties, which often fail when it comes to militarization and escalating the Ukraine conflict. The call for a swift end to the war and diplomatic solutions is undoubtedly important and correct. However, a fundamental transformation of the conditions that cause war, poverty, and social inequality is something that even the Wagenknecht alliance cannot offer. As long as the so-called "social market economy" remains the foundation of society, these problems will persist.
The marxist base-superstructure model and the limits of parliamentarism
The Marxist base-superstructure model explains that political institutions—including parliament—are not the root causes of social problems but merely the political expressions of the economic base: the capitalist mode of production. This means that parliamentary changes—even if they bring some improvements—are not sufficient to overcome the fundamental contradictions of capitalism.
Parliamentarism is not a neutral space where the interests of the people are equally represented. Rather, it is a mechanism through which the ruling class enforces its interests. Or, to quote Lenin again, referring to Marx:
"Democracy for an insignificant minority, democracy for the rich--that is the democracy of capitalist society. If we look more closely into the machinery of capitalist democracy, we see everywhere, in the “petty”--supposedly petty--details of the suffrage (residential qualifications, exclusion of women, etc.), in the technique of the representative institutions, in the actual obstacles to the right of assembly (public buildings are not for “paupers”!), in the purely capitalist organization of the daily press, etc., etc.,--we see restriction after restriction upon democracy. These restrictions, exceptions, exclusions, obstacles for the poor seem slight, especially in the eyes of one who has never known want himself and has never been inclose contact with the oppressed classes in their mass life (and nine out of 10, if not 99 out of 100, bourgeois publicists and politicians come under this category); but in their sum total these restrictions exclude and squeeze out the poor from politics, from active participation in democracy. Marx grasped this essence of capitalist democracy splendidly when, in analyzing the experience of the Commune, he said that the oppressed are allowed once every few years to decide which particular representatives of the oppressing class shall represent and repress them in parliament!" (W.I. Lenin, State and Revolution, September 1917)
The bourgeois parliament is an instrument for maintaining the existing conditions. The parties on the ballot defend these conditions and thus prioritize the interests of the capitalist class. As long as the question of ownership is not fundamentally raised and placed on the agenda, the inherent problems of the system will remain unsolved.
The necessity of a revolutionary perspective
The changes necessary to create a more just, peaceful, and solidary society go beyond what parliamentarism can offer us. True transformation requires the overthrow of capitalism and the establishment of a socialist society.
It is important that the working class does not settle for supposedly alternative but ultimately system-preserving positions like those of Wagenknecht and similar movements. The KPD and other communist forces do not merely demand a "better administration" of capitalism but a fundamental transformation of social conditions. The working class must organize itself as an independent, politically active force to overcome capitalist exploitation.
Conclusion: The election and the perspective
The upcoming federal election provides an opportunity to articulate our rejection of the existing system. However, it is crucial not to misunderstand this election as a platform for mere "protest votes" that ultimately stabilize the system. The KPD will not be on the ballot, but our task remains to mobilize the working class for revolutionary struggle. Marx and later Lenin always emphasized that elections under capitalism are never the solution but can still be used tactically to weaken reactionary forces and expand the space for a revolutionary perspective.
In times of rearmament, increasing repression, and the constant danger of wars escalating into a world war, the fact that the communist movement is unable to act as a united force is an unbearable situation. However, as deplorable as this current state may be, we must not fall into the trap of non-participation or casting invalid votes. This approach is of no use in the present circumstances. Therefore, we call for participation in bourgeois elections and voting for those candidates who most credibly oppose militarization and war policies.
The overthrow of capitalism remains the goal. But this change will remain a distant utopia as long as the working class fails to organize itself independently—not just in elections, but above all on the streets, in the workplace, and in everyday struggles. The challenge today is to continue resisting the capitalist system despite the difficult circumstances. The unity of the communists must precede the unity of the working class. We must do everything in our power to overcome the disastrous divisions within the movement and work relentlessly for the unity of communists. We see ourselves as part of the future communist party that has yet to be built and extend our hand to all those who share and work towards this goal. Only through a radical break with capitalism—that is, a fundamental transformation of ownership relations—can we create a society based on justice and solidarity, where true democracy can be realized.
