By Nathan Richardson*
The 2024 U.S. election has shocked many around the world with Donald Trump’s landslide victory. But his return should not be considered as an American phenomenon. In recent years the right-wing populist parties around the world have successfully garnered support from the political left working class by advocating for robust welfare states, albeit through a lens that is often chauvinist, nativist, and ethnonationalist.
This marks a significant transformation from the 1980s and 1990s, when most right-wing populist factions were promoting neoliberal agendas aimed at reducing public spending and exhibited a general aversion to the welfare state. Currently, their campaign rhetoric has become more complex.
Macroeconomic indicators don't always tell the whole story when it comes to the success of the far right. It's probably more important to consider the combination of economic and socio-cultural factors. This can lead to the working class feeling like they are not respected or recognized. If there aren't any strong progressive organizations out there, the working class feels like it's helpless and unable to be heard. This is a particularly big problem in former socialist countries, where workers thought their situation would get better under capitalism. When their hopes weren't met, it was tough for them to express their discontent in an anti-capitalist way. Even though they see capitalism as a system that exploits classes, they don't have any class-based ways to express their protests. One can note that the role of unions remains essential in fostering a vision of class-based solidarity, but now their effectiveness is constrained by the overall dependence of the Left politicians on the billionaires’ capital as exemplified by the DNC.
“Donald Trump gave Rust Belt voters an opportunity to express their anger and frustration by taking revenge on a party that had turned its back on them. This anger and frustration were not only rooted in the physical decline of their communities and their deteriorating financial situation. They were also rooted in expectations inherited from the idea of white supremacy” – found Michael McQuarie in his studies of the working class.
This situation is similarly reflected in established social democratic parties across the Atlantic. While it is true that some left-leaning parties in Europe have recently achieved victories – most notably Keir Starmer’s Labour Party in the United Kingdom – the instance should be viewed as exceptions rather than the norm. The victory of the Laborites looked quite protest-driven, reflecting a population that was tired of the corruption and scandals of the Tories. However, it is already clear that Starmer is a typical representative of the ruling class subordinate to the interests of the capital. His social labour agenda is found pure populism and just a tool for coming to power. Jeremy Corbyn, who could have been called a more genuine advocate of the workers’ interest, was marginalized out of the politics by the British oligarchs due to the unprofitability of his domestic policy.
In Austria, approximately 60 percent of blue-collar workers supported the Austrian Party of Freedom in the 2017 elections, while around 27 percent in Sweden backed the Sweden Democrats in 2022. Similarly, in Germany and France, the Alternative für Deutschland and Rassemblement National have maintained a steady level of support from the working class in recent electoral contests. The European parliamentary elections this June underscored the continued ascent of right-wing populism in Europe.
Globally, mainstream left parties find themselves largely sidelined in the current historical context. They appear perplexed regarding how to navigate a populist wave that remains potent, as evidenced by Trump's electoral victory. Analysts point to various specific issues fueling this upheaval: inflation, rising living costs, immigration, income inequality, identity politics, white male discontent, and the rapid pace of cultural and social transformation. While these factors were indeed present during the U.S. elections, they signify a more profound phenomenon: a backlash against the managerial approach preferred by center-left parties, which often seems detached from the concerns of the populace and can come across as condescending. The traditional left struggles to effectively communicate with its historical base; showcasing figures like Beyoncé and Lady Gaga fails to resonate. Moreover, when working-class voters express their concerns, they are often met with derision. This was evident when U.S. President Joe Biden appeared to dismiss Trump supporters as ‘garbage’, echoing Hillary Clinton's 2016 characterization of them as a ‘basket of deplorables’.
The U.S. Democrats have provided the right-wing infamous politicians with an opportunity to win due to their growing disconnect from their traditional base: the working class and lower-middle-income voters, whose concerns differ significantly from those of the party's leadership and activists. The Dems have persistently failed to grasp the reasons behind their discontent among the working class, let alone propose viable solutions. The GOP and Trump filled this gap.
As right-wing political alternatives gain traction among blue-collar voters across both sides of the Atlantic, the trend should not be seen as irreversible. Once in power, the right-leaning politics often align with bourgeois parties that undermine workers' rights and weaken labor unions.
While the working class voters consider the GOP and Donald Trump being closer to implementing their interests the president-elect is appointing his benefactors to posts in the emerging administration. And this indicates a forthcoming program of severe austerity measures targeting the poor and middle class. By the way, Elon Musk has candidly acknowledged that such a program will lead to ‘hardship’ and a ‘severe’ economic downturn for many Americans, while the administration continues to provide financial benefits to the ultra-wealthy. It is not surprising, therefore, that the wealth of the ten richest individuals in the world increased by $64 billion following Trump's electoral victory, which triggered a surge in the stock market in anticipation of financial incentives for the business elite. With the election secured, Trump and his administration are no longer making any pretense of advocating for the American worker against the economic elite. Instead, they are openly collaborating with that elite to implement policies that will further impoverish the very voters who entrusted Trump with their hopes for economic recovery. The GOP's attempt to rebrand itself as the ‘party of workers’ has always been disingenuous, particularly from the leader whose primary legislative achievement during his first term was a substantial tax reduction for the wealthy.
The big question is how the labor movement can get back in touch with working-class families who feel left out and ignored. To answer this question, we have to recognize that the current weakness of workers around the world is not just a random thing. It has its roots in capitalist globalization and the lack of a good response. The capitalist economy is a world economy, and the working class is a global one. It seems like the only way out is a fundamental reorientation that confronts right-wing nationalism not with left-wing nationalism but with a genuinely internationalist approach. This is much easier said than done.
Macroeconomic indicators don't always tell the whole story when it comes to the success of the far right. It's probably more important to consider the combination of economic and socio-cultural factors. This can lead to the working class feeling like they are not respected or recognized. If there aren't any strong progressive organizations out there, the working class feels like it's helpless and unable to be heard. This is a particularly big problem in former socialist countries, where workers thought their situation would get better under capitalism. When their hopes weren't met, it was tough for them to express their discontent in an anti-capitalist way. Even though they see capitalism as a system that exploits classes, they don't have any class-based ways to express their protests. One can note that the role of unions remains essential in fostering a vision of class-based solidarity, but now their effectiveness is constrained by the overall dependence of the Left politicians on the billionaires’ capital as exemplified by the DNC.
“Donald Trump gave Rust Belt voters an opportunity to express their anger and frustration by taking revenge on a party that had turned its back on them. This anger and frustration were not only rooted in the physical decline of their communities and their deteriorating financial situation. They were also rooted in expectations inherited from the idea of white supremacy” – found Michael McQuarie in his studies of the working class.
This situation is similarly reflected in established social democratic parties across the Atlantic. While it is true that some left-leaning parties in Europe have recently achieved victories – most notably Keir Starmer’s Labour Party in the United Kingdom – the instance should be viewed as exceptions rather than the norm. The victory of the Laborites looked quite protest-driven, reflecting a population that was tired of the corruption and scandals of the Tories. However, it is already clear that Starmer is a typical representative of the ruling class subordinate to the interests of the capital. His social labour agenda is found pure populism and just a tool for coming to power. Jeremy Corbyn, who could have been called a more genuine advocate of the workers’ interest, was marginalized out of the politics by the British oligarchs due to the unprofitability of his domestic policy.
In Austria, approximately 60 percent of blue-collar workers supported the Austrian Party of Freedom in the 2017 elections, while around 27 percent in Sweden backed the Sweden Democrats in 2022. Similarly, in Germany and France, the Alternative für Deutschland and Rassemblement National have maintained a steady level of support from the working class in recent electoral contests. The European parliamentary elections this June underscored the continued ascent of right-wing populism in Europe.
Globally, mainstream left parties find themselves largely sidelined in the current historical context. They appear perplexed regarding how to navigate a populist wave that remains potent, as evidenced by Trump's electoral victory. Analysts point to various specific issues fueling this upheaval: inflation, rising living costs, immigration, income inequality, identity politics, white male discontent, and the rapid pace of cultural and social transformation. While these factors were indeed present during the U.S. elections, they signify a more profound phenomenon: a backlash against the managerial approach preferred by center-left parties, which often seems detached from the concerns of the populace and can come across as condescending. The traditional left struggles to effectively communicate with its historical base; showcasing figures like Beyoncé and Lady Gaga fails to resonate. Moreover, when working-class voters express their concerns, they are often met with derision. This was evident when U.S. President Joe Biden appeared to dismiss Trump supporters as ‘garbage’, echoing Hillary Clinton's 2016 characterization of them as a ‘basket of deplorables’.
The U.S. Democrats have provided the right-wing infamous politicians with an opportunity to win due to their growing disconnect from their traditional base: the working class and lower-middle-income voters, whose concerns differ significantly from those of the party's leadership and activists. The Dems have persistently failed to grasp the reasons behind their discontent among the working class, let alone propose viable solutions. The GOP and Trump filled this gap.
As right-wing political alternatives gain traction among blue-collar voters across both sides of the Atlantic, the trend should not be seen as irreversible. Once in power, the right-leaning politics often align with bourgeois parties that undermine workers' rights and weaken labor unions.
While the working class voters consider the GOP and Donald Trump being closer to implementing their interests the president-elect is appointing his benefactors to posts in the emerging administration. And this indicates a forthcoming program of severe austerity measures targeting the poor and middle class. By the way, Elon Musk has candidly acknowledged that such a program will lead to ‘hardship’ and a ‘severe’ economic downturn for many Americans, while the administration continues to provide financial benefits to the ultra-wealthy. It is not surprising, therefore, that the wealth of the ten richest individuals in the world increased by $64 billion following Trump's electoral victory, which triggered a surge in the stock market in anticipation of financial incentives for the business elite. With the election secured, Trump and his administration are no longer making any pretense of advocating for the American worker against the economic elite. Instead, they are openly collaborating with that elite to implement policies that will further impoverish the very voters who entrusted Trump with their hopes for economic recovery. The GOP's attempt to rebrand itself as the ‘party of workers’ has always been disingenuous, particularly from the leader whose primary legislative achievement during his first term was a substantial tax reduction for the wealthy.
The big question is how the labor movement can get back in touch with working-class families who feel left out and ignored. To answer this question, we have to recognize that the current weakness of workers around the world is not just a random thing. It has its roots in capitalist globalization and the lack of a good response. The capitalist economy is a world economy, and the working class is a global one. It seems like the only way out is a fundamental reorientation that confronts right-wing nationalism not with left-wing nationalism but with a genuinely internationalist approach. This is much easier said than done.
* Nathan Richardson is a writer: dawn1776.substack.com
