What is Stalinism and what does it actually mean to be a Stalinist today?

 By Nikos Mottas

Since the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956, everything that relates to Joseph Stalin has been demonized. The so-called “destalinization” process initiated by Khrushchev and his political allies, within the broader opportunistic turn of the CPSU, tried to blame Stalin for all the evils of the world. 

Khrushchev's shameless campaign against Stalin was effectively used by the capitalist world in building the anti-communist arsenal of the Cold War. 

Following the counterrevolutionary overthrows in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe in 1989-1991, anti-Stalinism became the spearhead of the anti-communist, anti-Soviet propaganda spread throughout the world. Being a “Stalinist”, or even slightly sympathetic towards Stalin, was politically criminalized. Through the despicable and unhistorical equation of communism with nazism, systematically promoted by bourgeois and revisionist historiography and media, Stalin became the communist “equivalent” of Hitler!  

But, actually, what is Stalinism? Is it an “evil ideology” or  a “state of unlimited terror”, as anti-communist of all kinds say? Is it the “glorification of Stalin” or a form of “personality cult” as bourgeois historians argue?

The term “Stalinism” seems to publicly appear for the first time in 1930s, with Stalin himself dismissing it as excessive, believing that it would contribute, one way or another, to a personality cult. After all, the Soviet leader was considering himself a staunch supporter of Marxism-Leninism and a follower of Vladimir Lenin's legacy in particular. According to Greek communist leader Nikos Zachariadis, long-time KKE General Secretary who was deposed and exiled by Khruschevite revisionism, “Stalinism is Marxism-Leninism in the era of socialism”. Indeed, Stalin's leadership marked the further, theoretical but mostly practical, elaboration and development of Marxism-Leninism during the socialist construction in the Soviet Union and the socialist camp, from 1924 to 1952.

Being the head of the CC of the Communist Party (Bolsheviks) and the leader of the Soviet state following Lenin's death, Stalin became inextricably linked with all the important achievements of the socialist construction in the USSR, as well as with the development of the socialist system in a number of countries in Eastern Europe and Asia. 

Under Stalin's leadership Soviet Russia was literally transformed from a backward, mainly agricultural country into an industrial superpower, overcoming all the disadvantages inherited from the Tsarist regime.  At the same time, Stalin and his comrades prepared the country to successfully face the great challenges of the highly destructive imperialist Second World War, thus having the most decisive and crucial role in the Peoples Great Anti-Fascist Victory. Of course, like every human being who shoulders such significant responsibilities, Stalin wasn't infallible. His major mistake – a grave one – was the fact that he didn't understand on time that counterrevolutionary elements were “incubating” within the Communist Party. These elements would later initiating the destalinization process and impose market reforms (e.g. 1965 Kosygin reform) in socialist economy, thus opening the Pandora's box for the gradually weakening of socialist construction.

The above lead us to the assumption that, if we had to provide a definition of “Stalinism” that would be the following: The practical application of the dictatorship of the proletariat based on the ideological principles of Marxism-Leninism. Stalin stood on the theoretical legacy of Marx, Engels and Lenin and implemented the dictatorship of the proleteriat during a given period and under specific historic circumstances.

Now, a question that arises is the following:  What does it mean to be a Stalinist in our era? The answer is this: A 21st century Stalinist is the principled Marxist-Leninist who: 1) Defends the 1917-1953 period of socialist construction in the Soviet Union, 2) Fights revisionism in all its forms and exposes opportunist deviations, 3) Accepts and defends the theory of “Socialism in One Country”, which reflected Lenin's own views even before its formulation as a state policy by Stalin (2).

Dimitrov and Zachariadis, lifelong devoted Stalinists.

There is no shame whatsoever in being a Stalinist. Οn the contrary, for a true communist, the title of “Stalinist” is an appellation of honor, as it describes the very essence of the Marxist-Leninist worldview. The shame lies on the heads of those who, under the pseudo-revolutionary pretexts and ideological fallacies, attack Stalin and the 20th century socialism, with their actual target being the socialist-communist movement itself.

The response given to social democrats by the legendary communist, Secretary of the Comintern from 1934 to 1943 Georgi Dimitrov, remains timely: “The social-democrat lackeys often call us “stalinists” and they think that in this way they insult the communists. But we are proud of this honorary appellation as we are proud of the appellation “leninists”. There is no greater honor for a revolutionary than being a true leninist, a true stalinist, a devoted disciple of Lenin and Stalin until the end. And there is no greater happiness for the communists than fighting under the guidance of Stalin for the triumph of the international proletariat's just cause. Not everybody can be a stalinist. The honorary appellation “leninist-stalinist” has to be won through bolshevik struggle, persistence and unlimited devotion to the cause of the working class” (3).

Notes:

(1)  Nikos Zachariadis. Positions on the History of KKE, June 19, 1939. Included in Nikos Zachariadis: Selected Works”, Publication of the CC of KKE, April 27, 1953, pp. 38-41

(2) “I know that there are, of course, sages who think they are very clever and even call themselves Socialists, who assert that power should not have been seized until the revolution had broken out in all countries. They do not suspect that by speaking in this way they are deserting the revolution and going over to the side of the bourgeoisie. To wait until the toiling classes bring about a revolution on an international scale means that everybody should stand stock-still in expectation. That is nonsense.” (V. I. Lenin: Speech at a Joint Session of the All-Russia Central Executive Committee, The Moscow Soviet and All-Russia Trade Union Congress January 17, 1919)

(3)  Georgi Dimitrov. Stalin and the international proletariat, 1939.

* Nikos Mottas is the Editor-in-Chief of In Defense of Communism.